On September 6, 2018, the eve of Brazil’s Independence Day, a crowd of individuals was carrying Jair Bolsonaro through the streets of Juiz de Fora when a person approached and stabbed the then-presidential candidate within the abdomen.
Bolsonaro was rushed to the hospital; the knife had damaged his small intestine and a close-by vein, causing heavy internal bleeding. The injuries kept him within the hospital for greater than three weeks in the course of the heat of the presidential campaign.
“God acted and deflected the knife,” said Bolsonaro’s son Flávio inside hours of the event.
Though Bolsonaro didn’t exit the attack on his life with a fist pump and look of defiance, his recovery from the assassination attempt nevertheless energized his base and grew his supporters, including amongst significant numbers of evangelical Christians, who would propel him to the presidency a pair months later.
Just weeks before the attack, polls showed 26 percent of Brazilian evangelicals, which incorporates each mainstream Protestants in addition to neo-Pentecostals, backing Bolsonaro. After the stabbing, that number rose to 36 percent. By the primary round of elections on October 7, 48 percent of evangelicals voted for Bolsonaro, a number that increased to 69 percent during his winning November run-off.
Prior to the incident, Bolsonaro had not been shy in his attempts to court the evangelical vote. Journalist Ricardo Alexandre notes in his book E a Verdade Vos Libertará: Reflexões Sobre Religião, Política e Bolsonarismo:
In August 2018, during an interview with GloboNews, the then-candidate declared, “I’m a Christian,” and, suggesting the supernatural nature of his success, continued, “Look at the favored support I’m having. Isn’t it unimaginable that this is occurring? How did I achieve this? When I speak about ‘God’s mission’ I believe in regards to the following: What will my motto be? What will my flag be? So I went to John 8:32: ‘And you’ll know the reality, and the reality will set you free.’”
Up until the attack, evangelical support for the candidate had largely been expressed during campaign stops and rallies—that’s, outside the church. The separation of church and state is enshrined within the Brazilian structure, and all types of political promoting are banned from any “place of common use,” which incorporates churches. A church’s formal support of a candidate could end in a high quality for the candidate and the religious leader, or possibly force a candidate to resign from a race.
In the aftermath of the violence, nevertheless, Bolsonaro’s name began being invoked fearlessly from the front of the church.
“For the bulk, the moment was about bringing a word of reconciliation between supporters of Bolsonaro and people who opposed him,” said sociologist Igor Sabino, a specialist in diplomacy, who remembered hearing pastors teach on Scriptures referring to support of governmental authorities, corresponding to Romans 13, 1 Timothy 2, and the Psalm 72.
The General Convention of the Assemblies of God in Brazil (CGDAB), the most important Pentecostal church within the country, organized a prayer campaign shortly after the assassination attempt, asking God to “direct us to vote for men and ladies who’re committed not only to the great and the long run of the nation, but, above all, committed to God and his Word.”
At Igreja Batista Atitude, the Rio de Janeiro church attended by Bolsonaro’s wife, Michelle, leaders paused to wish for the candidate during a conference that was being held on the identical day because the stabbing, while those within the sanctuary knelt.
Silas Malafaia, who leads the Pentecostal megachurch Assembly of God Vitória em Cristo, addressed the difficulty of elections in the course of the evening service on September 6, citing Paul’s words in 1 Timothy 2:1–2 “that petitions, prayers, intercession and thanksgiving be made for all people—for kings and all those in authority.”
As Bolsonaro recuperated within the hospital and made public appearances in the times that followed, many Christians praying for the injured candidate became more vocal about their support for him.
“These weren’t just prayers for Bolsonaro’s health in a time of crisis—an obligation for each Christian,” said Paulo Won, pastor of Igreja Presbiteriana Metropolitana of São Paulo. “They were prayers for his victory. From the Pentecostal spectrum to the more traditional churches, the leadership itself established a really clear direction in favor of his candidacy.”
Some of this manifested into motion. Four days after the assassination attempt, a bunch of pastors that included Coalizão Pelo Evangelho (The Gospel Coalition’s Brazil branch) published an open letter that appeared to reference Bolsonaro’s campaign talking points.
One item, for instance, asked God to “frustrate all attempts at fraud within the electoral system.” (At that point, only Bolsonaro’s campaign was making allegations of fraud in electronic voting machines.) The document also really helpful “rejecting candidates with interventionist emphases within the family, educational, ecclesiastical, and artistic spheres,” reflecting the claims that Bolsonaro and his allies held against the opposing party, Partido dos Trabalhadores.
The letter was widely republished on Reformed social media, church web sites, and church bulletins.
On the identical day of the attack, Malafaia, who is thought for his political prophecies, declared in a video posted on his YouTube channel that the assassination attempt was actually “an indication that Bolsonaro needs to be the following president of Brazil,” echoing the words of Bolsonaro’s supporters outside of the church.
Street vendors sold T-shirts with Bolsonaro’s face and the words He bled for you, recalled Sabino. Brazilians shared memes of Jesus walking alongside Bolsonaro within the hospital and standing beside the surgeons who operated on him.
“His survival brought elements of spiritual warfare to the campaign, as if there was evidence of a supernatural plan for him, that he could be God’s anointed one,” said Sabino.
For Bolsonaro’s evangelical supporters, this “plan” was God raising up someone to “save Brazil from the forces of a left-wing, atheistic government,” said Victor Fontana, pastor of Comunidade da Vila, a Reformed church in São Paulo.
Those in search of a messianic throughline latched onto anything that appeared to present greater intending to the attack. “That was silly,” said Fontana looking back. “[The attack] wasn’t an ethical act. He didn’t decide to be stabbed.”
The weeks between the attacks and the election became a “union of Brazilian messianism with Christian nationalism,” in keeping with journalist Alexandre. “Bolsonaro presented himself as someone that God sent, a carrier of truth and salvation to Brazil. And who will stand up against the Lord’s anointed? Voting against him, from this attitude, would have been similar to opposing God’s plans.”
This mentality kept many Brazilian Christians from critically examining Bolsonaro as a candidate, including reflecting on his seeming endorsements of the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985 and statements that many found misogynistic and prejudiced.
Instead, after he won the presidency in that 2018 election, evangelicals rarely criticized him during his term. Many joined in storming the Congresso Nacional, the Supremo Tribunal Federal, and the presidential palace on January 8 2023, appealing to the military for a military coup after Bolsonaro lost the previous yr election and accused it of being stolen. A lot of protesters carried Bibles, praying before they entered Congress and singing hymns while being arrested by federal police. At least 4 pastors were amongst those detained.
“It seems that many evangelicals in Brazil don’t fully understand how democracy works, with the natural alternation of power,” said Won. “It’s as if democracy doesn’t matter, and what counts is the permanence of God’s anointed one.”
Six years after the stabbing incident, some pastors at the moment are questioning what happened. “We made the error of turning a blind eye to those that call themselves Christians but whose actions are removed from Christ,” said Ziel Machado, a Methodist pastor and vice-rector of Servo de Cristo Seminary in São Paulo.
Brazilian evangelical leaders and churchgoers could have defended democratic ideals in 2018 and within the years that followed, says Daniel Guanaes, who pastors Igreja Presbiteriana do Recreio in Rio de Janeiro. He believes that incidents corresponding to the stabbing of Bolsonaro and the recent shooting against former US president Donald Trump present a possibility for the church to take a stand against political violence, emphasizing how such acts are antithetical to Christianity and democracy.
“Legally, they’re crimes; theologically, they’re sins,” he said. But this was not the route the Brazilian church took. “The stabbing became partisan. And we were unsuitable about it.”
The church of Jesus Christ shouldn’t be confused with the evangelical movement in Brazil (or in America or in every other country), nor with the social movement studied by political scientists, says Alexandre, and conflating the 2 may have significant negative repercussions for the expansion of the church.
“This identification of the church with a political faction is the kiss of death for Brazilian evangelicalism,” he said. “This will grow to be very clear within the religious affiliation statistics in the approaching years.”
